Book Review: Partisans & Poets
May. 17th, 2013 12:25 amReading Partisans and Poets: The Political Work of American Poetry in the Great War, in which the author uses a Gramscian analysis to prove that the pacifists and radicals didn’t accomplish anything in their opposition to the war. The fact that they kept the US out of war until 1917 and remained powerful enough then that Wilson delayed for nearly two months after the Germans restarted unrestricted submarine warfare before he finally declared war does not apparently count as an achievement.
Do the radicals ever actually accomplish anything in this kind of analysis? It always seems to boil down to “The radicals did this which may seem like an achievement, but they didn’t manage to create utopia and also anyway their achievement was totally co-optable by the Conservative Forces of Evil so it doesn’t count.”
It is super boring reading books when I can basically summarize the argument of every chapter before I even read it.
Also, I’m pretty sure that if we make “completely non-co-optable” our standard of success, then every reform movement - nay, every movement in the history of the world, anywhere on the political spectrum! - was a failure, because people are capable of interpreting art in ways that seem diametrically opposed to any straightforward reading of it. Look at Bruce Springsteen’s “Born in the US,” which Reagan used as his campaign song!
Left-wing academics really ought to know this. Isn’t the eminent slipperiness of meaning one of the main points of deconstruction theory? Saying, “This kind of imagery would later become a staple of pro-war propaganda” is all but meaningless, because any kind of imagery can be twisted to mean almost anything you want it to.
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The valiant author also seems to have decided that any response to World War I other than doctrinaire pacifism was a priori wrong, and, moreover, that anyone who changed their mind about the was not responding to the fact that the war kept changing, but had simply allowed themselves to be brainwashed by propaganda.
He doesn’t present this as a proposition that he intends to defend, mind; he simply assumes that it is true and bases his analysis on it. Because clearly the highest duty of the historian is to strap historical figures to a Procrustean bed composed of modern-day, left-leaning, social justice morals and assail them for failing to fit. All while piously insisting that it is not the historians’ place to judge.
Postmodern histories overflow with sort of contradiction. (I would call it hypocrisy, but I’m not sure these historians are sufficiently self-aware to be hypocrites.) They have a pious horror about the idea of judgment, but that doesn’t prevent them from judging the hell out of everything.
Do the radicals ever actually accomplish anything in this kind of analysis? It always seems to boil down to “The radicals did this which may seem like an achievement, but they didn’t manage to create utopia and also anyway their achievement was totally co-optable by the Conservative Forces of Evil so it doesn’t count.”
It is super boring reading books when I can basically summarize the argument of every chapter before I even read it.
Also, I’m pretty sure that if we make “completely non-co-optable” our standard of success, then every reform movement - nay, every movement in the history of the world, anywhere on the political spectrum! - was a failure, because people are capable of interpreting art in ways that seem diametrically opposed to any straightforward reading of it. Look at Bruce Springsteen’s “Born in the US,” which Reagan used as his campaign song!
Left-wing academics really ought to know this. Isn’t the eminent slipperiness of meaning one of the main points of deconstruction theory? Saying, “This kind of imagery would later become a staple of pro-war propaganda” is all but meaningless, because any kind of imagery can be twisted to mean almost anything you want it to.
***
The valiant author also seems to have decided that any response to World War I other than doctrinaire pacifism was a priori wrong, and, moreover, that anyone who changed their mind about the was not responding to the fact that the war kept changing, but had simply allowed themselves to be brainwashed by propaganda.
He doesn’t present this as a proposition that he intends to defend, mind; he simply assumes that it is true and bases his analysis on it. Because clearly the highest duty of the historian is to strap historical figures to a Procrustean bed composed of modern-day, left-leaning, social justice morals and assail them for failing to fit. All while piously insisting that it is not the historians’ place to judge.
Postmodern histories overflow with sort of contradiction. (I would call it hypocrisy, but I’m not sure these historians are sufficiently self-aware to be hypocrites.) They have a pious horror about the idea of judgment, but that doesn’t prevent them from judging the hell out of everything.